Research Proposal

Post-modern nomadism: forms, conditions, methodological variables

Alternatively:

Are we going to enter the century of post-modern nomades

Analysing findings from qualitative research into recent (undocumented) labour migration patterns and migration strategies into the European Union

Franck Düvell, University of Exeter

In the age of globalisation the powers of nation states are crumbling away, borders are increasingly porous whilst people are becoming more and more mobile. In consequence, ‘the world is on the move’ (Baumann 1998). Will the ‘century of refugees’ (Grossman and Tartakower 1944), as the 20. century has repeatedly been called be followed by the ‘century of nomades’, as Schlöogel (2002) indicates. Is nomadism a promising epistemological category as Braidotti suggests; what would be the methodological variables; and which features facilitate nomadism?

Historically, nomads moved under forces of nature, as clans or extended families, following their flocks, and taking their possessions with them. Nomadism was inconvenient for territorial states, with boundaries of land and borders of governance. Postmodern nomadism is usually movement under economic forces, between short-term employments. It is sometimes facilitated by governments, sometimes ignored, and sometimes strenuously prosecuted.

This research proposal aims to follow-up two major studies into recent migration into some European Union member states: ‘Undocumented immigrant workers in East London’, based at University of Exeter and funded by the Economic and Social Research Council (UK); and ‘Informal Administration Practices and Immigrants’ Strategies in four member states’ (IAPASIS), based at the Robert-Schumann Centre/European University Institute (Florence) and funded by the European Commission. And finally, Tthe research also aims to contribute and to clarify the theoretical framework for a following follow-on research application by the RSC to the European Commission, ‘Diversity, Migration and Governance – European prospects from historical experience in a changing global framework, Expression of Interest’ (Strath et all). The applicant has been, respectively or will be, a participant in all of these.

The proposal applies to the category of ‘comparative research in a European perspective’ but also aims to contribute to ‘fundamental research related to innovative subjects of importance’. It suggests applies to be affiliated to the Robert-Schumann-Centre for Advanced Studies and the Department of Political and Social Science and seeks the cooperation with Bo Strath, Anna Triandafyllidou and Donatella della Porta and Christian Joppke.

Both previous studies have produced a unique and large, and therefore valuable amount of qualitative data and provide an insight views into present migrants’ strategies from Poland, Albania, Bosnia, Turkey and India into four EU member states, Germany, Italy, the UK and Greece. The overall data base consists of several reports, conference conclusions and about 150 in-debt depth narrative interviews with legitimate labour migrants, asylum seekers engaged in legal or illegal working, and in particular undocumented immigrants.

Although well published and disseminated both projects concentrated on an analysis within the framework of organisational culture of immigration management agencies, on inter-action between immigration management agencies and migrant’s strategies identities, and on identities (for e.g. Jordan and Düvell 2002, Düvell and Jordan 2002; Cyrus and Vogel 2002, Triandafyllidou 2003). Analysing the findings within established migration modells, typologies, variables and theories and thereby informing migration studies and theory building has not been aimed bywas not an aim of these studies, and therefore remains to be done. And beyond informing migration studies the research has the potential to provide some relevant findings for the policy of labour market regulations, and migration management between the European Union and its neighboring states, respectively including traditional trade partners.

Most of the data is on immigrant workers of some or nonwith or without proper status, and therefore rather on membership in economically defined systems, the labour markets, rather than in political systems. That suggests in particular the application of methodologies relevant to analyse economic migration.

First of all, one would want to understand the patterns found in their historical context. The 20. century has often been labelled the ‘Century of Refugees’ andIn the analysis of 20^th century migration patterns, the discourse over newcomers has predominantly been linked to forced migration (see for e.g. Marrus 1985, Kusher and Knox 1999). The most recent caesure has been identified as the collapse of the ‘iron Iron curtain’ Curtain’ giving way to ‘new migration’ (Castles 1993). Schlögel (2002) interpreted the migration from the break-up of the Eastern bloc as a form of delayed post-war displacement and resettlement. Many of this resulted from the break-down of power relations and the establishment of new ones. Economically, the ‘New International Division of Labour’ with the concept of nation states at its core has been replaced by an integrated global economy and w. We have already entered into another epoche (Bill, have you got a reference for this)[what about Jordan and Düvell, 2003)]. Hoerder (2002) offers some historical methodology to distinguish and contextualise different periods in migration history [reference]. Another discourse, that on transmigration, points to the emergence of a distinct type of migration, again related to ideas of bilateralism (Pries 1997). However, that is rather related to previous forms of migration, and long-term settlement under conditions of discrimination, and social and political exclusion (Faist 2000). Our findings suggest, that there are forms of migration that go beyond transnationalism, that there are migrants who do no longer identify their perspectives prospects within the framework of nation states, but within the androgynite of global markets. Several interviews show that these migrant float between several countries and that in each of their stay is only short-term. And although undocumented Albanian migrants follow the traditional pathes into Greece these have become acquired a new meaning under conditions of European integration and globalisation. The new epoche seems to already correlate with a specific typology of migration: post-modern nomadism. With increasingly open borders, globally active businesses and emerging border-extending labour markets workers are becoming increasingly mobile too. Braidotti (1994) suggests nomadism as an epistemological category, though without specifying its criteria. Identifying mechanisms, structures and networkes facilitating these movements, shall should clarify this concept.

Most of the interviewees mentioned some kind of information, contacts, knowledge of working opportunities or even pre-arranged jobs which influenced their decisions. That calls for an application of three distinct approaches. Sassen (1996), Fawcett (1989), Boyle (1989) and others developed the model of migration networks, specific historic, cultural and economic links between sending and host countries. Such general ideas of what constitutes a network may be refined by additionally applying the concept of social capital (Espinosa and Massey 1997),. translating this quantitative methode into a qualitative version is an additional challengeThe relationship between qualitative data and these economic concepts requires exploration. It cannot be outruled ruled out that the interviews may reveal new elements or agencies that have become part of migration networks, such as international recruitment agencies, headhunters or their criminal pendantsequivalents. Less broad than the concept of migration networks is the aim to identify particular internal labour markets (Johnson and Salt 1990) and migration channels (Findlay 1990) and thereby in particular explore the migration channels, that facilitate documented and undocumented immigration to the labour markets of the European Union member states. And consequently, one needs to look at and distinguish between the particular labour market segments that attract migrant labour (Piore 1979). It seems promising to also look at system theory to analyse labour markets as functional systems in order to understand from where to where migration occurs and thereby the nature of migration from one national labour market to another (Bommes 1999).

Finally, the data needs to be analysed for the motives given, the reasons, aspirations and expectations. These allow to understand migration within the context of social relations. Some authors suggest that migration is an ‘action against poverty’ (Galbraith, quoted in Nigel Harris 2002: 119), ‘voting by feet’ against disliked conditions (Hirschman 1970), or even a form of resistance (MacDonald 1963). Undocumented migration in particular suggests a contrast between institutional goals and individual desires, which has been carefully interpreted as a form of social conflict (Shrestha 1987). Such views imply that there are issues of a movement for social equality and justice at stake, which cause and inform migration decisions.

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